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New York Desperately Tries to Squirm Out of SCOTUS Case

Andrew Cuomo

(AP Photo/Mike Groll)

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This is TTAG’s weekly roundup of legal and legislative news affecting guns, the gun business and gun owners’ rights. 

New York City’s Desperate Attempt to Kill the NYSRPA Case

Last January, the Supreme Court agreed to hear N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Assn’ v. The City of New York (NYSRPA), a Second Amendment challenge to a city law that prohibited virtually anyone from taking a handgun outside the city. The case was set for the 2019 term, and would be the first Second Amendment case to be decided in a decade.

Since then, the city has been doing everything in its power to “moot” the case and escape the Court, but this week it threw down the gauntlet.

Almost as soon as the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case, the city pulled a 180 on a law it has defended tooth and nail for decades, and asked the Court to delay the case to give the city time to remove the rule. The city originally planned to have the police make a rule change–not even overturning the law–to try to moot the case.

The Court denied this request and, seeing clearly what the city was up to, several lawyers, including myself, made sure to address the city’s bad faith attempt to escape the threat to its gun control law.

A case is “moot” if it does not involve a “live” controversy. Imagine, for example, if your state banned speaking the word “caribou” in public. You sue the state on First Amendment grounds. Then, as your case is set to be heard by a federal court, the state repeals the law. The federal court no longer has constitutional authority to decide the case, as it is no longer “justiciable” as laid out in Article III of the Constitution.

There are, of course, some doctrines that prevent abuses of this system. But New York City has done its homework. The Court looks down on governments that voluntarily cease unconstitutional activity ahead of judicial review. The Supreme Court has said that, in these situations, it should be clear the defendant is not “free to return to his old ways” because there is “a public interest in having the legality of the practices settled.” 

The city knew their half-hearted attempts to squirm out of the case wouldn’t free them form the “voluntary cessation” doctrine, so they had to do something more extreme. Enter New York Senator Brian P. Kavanagh. Kavanagh sponsored Assembly Bill A7752 in the state senate, preempting city laws on the transportation of firearms. The bill flew through the state legislature, and by July 3, was headed to the desk of Governor Cuomo.

If something seems odd about a Democrat state senator sponsoring a bill loosening restrictions on firearms, that law speeding through a Democrat-controlled legislature, and then being signed by a feverishly anti-gun governor, it might be because you have more than two brain cells to rub together.

A change in state law to preempt the city gun law, something the anti-gun crowd has consistently fought against, was the only way strengthen the city’s mootness argument. This sudden turn on a law the city supported ab initio, plus the sudden about-face of the state legislature, suggests nothing more or less than collusion to keep the Court from settling the matter.

With that, the attorney for New York City submitted a strongly worded letter to the Supreme Court, asserting they city’s opinion that, no matter what the Court or opposing counsel thought, the case was moot. The City dared the Court to proceed with the case, and and promised that if it does, the City will make the case as messy as possible for the conservative wing of its justices.

The city made it clear that it wouldn’t even respond to whether its law was constitutional, and would instead only argue that the case was moot. This isn’t the kind of behavior of a government that thinks what it’s doing is legal.

Bullseye Sport gun shop in Riverside, Calif. (AP Photo/Jae C. Hong, File)

Lawsuit Over California’s Under-21 Ban 

Continuing their notably litigious and aggressive gun rights advocacy, Firearms Policy Coalition, Firearms Policy Foundation, the Calguns Foundation, and Second Amendment Foundation sued the state of California this week for violating the rights of law abiding adults aged between 18-20. The suit targets multiple age discriminatory California laws.

You’ve heard it a million times. “If you can fight and die for your country….” Even without that emotional argument, stratifying the age of adulthood doesn’t make sense.

If we’re going to set an arbitrary age at which Americans are “adults,” we need to set it and have that be that. How can it be that you’re considered functional enough to sign a mortgage, join the military, or whatever else, but not to do other things? This isn’t to say anything about the average intelligence or responsibility of an 18-20 year old, but rather the lack of legal or philosophical basis for discriminating against them in such a way.

Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam (AP Photo/Steve Helber)

Virginia Governor Rolls Out Gun Control Wish List

On Wednesday, Governor Ralph “Coonman” Northam unveiled the final list of gun control measures he wants implemented in his state. In a move that should surprise precisely no one, he basically listed every gun control proposal you’ve ever heard of from across the country over the past year. Assault weapons, bump stocks, suppressors, “high capacity” magazines should all be verboten, according to him.

He didn’t stop there, adding red flag orders, an elimination on state preemption on local firearm laws, “universal” background check, and a “one handgun per month” policy.

The only novel thing was a safe storage provision, which Northam wants to come with felony punishment for anyone who leaves a firearm “accessible” to a 17-year old. Fascinating. What’s left to see is whether Northern Virginia (read: West DC) has enough sway in the state to pass any of these bills that the governor will sign.

 

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